Presbyterians churches, targeted because their "ministers lacked the protection and support of a church hierarchy," were not long indifferent. But the white violence visited in the summer of 1961 on the first registration efforts (under the direction of Bob Moses) in McComb, Mississippi, including the murder of activist Herbert Lee, persuaded many that in the Deep South voter registration was as direct a challenge to white supremacy as anything they had been doing before. The proceedings of the convention's credentials committee were televised, giving a national and international audience to the testimony of SNCC field secretary Fannie Lou Hamer: to her portrayal of the brutalities of a sharecropper's life, and of the obstruction and violence encountered by an African American in the exercise her constitutional rights. Span, Paula (April 8, 1998).
(For this reason it was important to Hayden that an opportunity in 1963 to work alongside Doris Derby in starting a literacy project at Tougaloo College, Mississippi, had come to her "specifically" because she had the educational qualifications). ", Gwendolyn Delores Robinson/Zoharah Simmons, who co-authored the Vine Street Project paper on Black Power, was struck by the contrast between the SNCC and her subsequent experience of the Nation of Islam: "there was really no place for a woman to exercise what I considered real leadership as it had been in SNCC."
", For Stokely Carmichael Black Power was a "call for black people to define their own goals, to lead their own organizations. , Ella Baker said that "SNCC came North at a time when the North was in a ferment that led to various interpretations on what was needed to be done.
Listen Mr. Kennedy, the black masses are on the march for jobs and for freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a "cooling-off period. It is estimated that almost 450 people, black and white in equal number, participated.. This paper was not the first time women had raised questions about their roles in SNCC. Mary E. King.
She was "on loan" from SNCC to Students for a Democratic Society.
With its own frustrations, it could not take the pace-setter role it took in the South. Violence, he famously quipped, was "as American as cherry pie". During those months, more than 60 different Freedom Rides criss-crossed the South, most of them converging on Jackson, where every Rider was arrested, more than 300 in total.  But it was to adopt a new tactic that helped galvanize the movement nationally. Second, he had deflect a proposal from Lowenstein and Democratic Party operative Barny Frank that in a future summer program decision-making be removed from organizers in the field to a new office in New York City responsible directly to liberal-foundation and church funders.
With SNCC workers then “swarmed” by young people, Carmichael took the initiative to help form the LCFO with Hulett, its first chair. Emerging in 1960 from the student-led sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in Greensboro, North Carolina and Nashville, Tennessee, the Committee sought to coordinate and assist direct-action challenges to the civic segregation and political exclusion of African Americans. Dorothy Zellner (a white radical SNCC staffer) remarked that, "What they [Lowenstein and Frank] want is to let the Negro into the existing society, not to change it.".
", By early 1967, SNCC was approaching bankruptcy.  Women were also the expectation when looking for local leadership.
, The previous month, July 1963, SNCC was involved in another march that eventually made headlines.
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